The
Washington Post | 25 de enero de 2013
On first
read, it might have been a hoax. On International Human Rights Day last month,
the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, Anthony Wayne, “celebrated” Mexico’s human
rights achievements. “The United States recognizes the Mexican government,
including officials and institutions,” he wrote in the newspaper El Universal,
“for its efforts to promote the defense of human rights in Mexico.”
Wayne’s
compliments came less than two weeks after the revelation that a staggering
number of Mexicans, about 25,000, had disappeared in drug-related violence in
the preceding six years. The number, from a list compiled by the Mexican
attorney general’s office, was leaked to The Washington Post by a government
analyst who feared that neither the outgoing administration of President Felipe
Calderón nor the incoming administration of Enrique Peña Nieto, who took office
Dec. 1, would want to admit that so many people could simply vanish, let alone
investigate what happened to them.
Disappearances
are part of the horrid legacy of Mexico’s “war on drugs,” initiated under
Calderón. During his tenure, soldiers and police officers systematically
tortured civilians to extract confessions in the fight against cartels, and
they committed widespread executions. Almost none of these abusive soldiers and
police has been punished. Of the roughly 5,000 investigations that military
prosecutors opened into alleged abuses from the start of the Calderón
presidency, in December 2006, through April 2012, only 38 soldiers have been
sentenced.
For most of
his term, Calderón claimed that he was not aware of a single human rights
violation by security forces. When I met with him at the end of 2011, he
conceded that many abuses had occurred. Unfortunately, the few steps he
subsequently took were too little, too late.
While Peña
Nieto has at least acknowledged that the Calderón administration’s policy
failed, word doesn’t seem to have reached Washington. In fact, the ambassador’s
recent praise is in step with the Obama administration’s repeated celebration
of Calderón’s efforts to confront cartels, such as when President Obama lauded
Calderón’s “great courage” in news conferences in March 2011 and April 2012.
Obama has not publicly expressed concern about the grisly abuses committed by
Mexican security forces.
And the
Obama administration has put its money where its mouth is. Since 2007, the
United States has given about $2 billion to Mexico to combat organized crime, a
September Congressional Research Service report noted, with some of that for
worthy programs such as training prosecutors. A portion of the aid directed to
security forces is supposed to be pegged annually to an assessment of whether
Mexico is meeting a set of human rights conditions. Although those conditions
have never been met, Washington has repeatedly released the funds.
The Obama
administration’s most candid assessment of the situation came from Wayne’s
predecessor, Carlos Pascual, who sent several cables to Washington raising
concerns about the corruption, incompetence and abusive nature of Mexico’s
security forces. When WikiLeaks made the memos public, Calderón demanded
Pascual’s resignation. Rather than stand by the ambassador — or address the
concerns he raised — the administration accepted his resignation, and Obama
appointed Wayne in late 2011.
Peña Nieto
has expressed a desire to break with Calderón’s failed “war on drugs” and focus
on reducing violence. But he hasn’t said how he will do it — or how he will
rein in the abuses that have fed the problem. Instead, he has seemed more
focused on shifting the discussion away from security and toward the economy.
So far, the Obama administration seems happy to follow his lead.
That would
be a mistake. Instead, Obama should make a robust, public case for addressing
the abusive practices of Mexico’s security forces — not only because it is the
right thing to do but also because it would help to build public trust in the
security forces, which is essential to effectively tackling organized crime.
The Obama administration should enforce the human rights conditions that
Congress has placed on U.S. aid to Mexico. And Obama should urge Peña Nieto to
develop a concrete plan to prosecute past abuses and prevent them going
forward.
More
celebration of failed policies will do nothing to help Mexico break out of this
cycle of violence and lawlessness, which has already taken too many lives.
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