Can sugar tax help
Mexico’s obesity epidemic?/David Frum, a CNN contributor, is a contributing editor at The Daily Beast.
He is the author of eight books, including a new novel, Patriots, and a post-election e-book, Why Romney Lost. Frum was a special assistant to President George W. Bush from 2001 to 2002.
CNN |4/11/2013
The Mexican Senate has
just passed, 72-2, an 8% tax on candy, chips and other high-calorie foods. It
continues to debate a special additional tax of about 8 cents per liter on
sugary soda.
You can understand why
Mexican leaders are worried about their nation’s eating habits. Mexicans
consume more sugary soft drinks per person than any other people on earth.
Mexico suffers the highest incidence of diabetes among the 34 countries in the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Mexicans are more likely
to be obese even than Americans, the next runner-up.
Taxes on junk foods
constitute just a part of a vast fiscal reform proposed by Mexico’s new
president, Enrique Peña Nieto. The overall plan aims to rationalize tax
collections, curtail tax evasion and shift Mexico away from dependence on oil
revenues. That’s all a topic for another day.
The question for today
is: Will fat taxes work?
There’s reason for
pessimism. In 2011, Denmark became the first country to impose a tax on fatty
foods. Less than a year later, it became the first country to abolish the tax.
In the words of the
Danish tax ministry: “The fat tax and the extension of the chocolate tax, the
so-called sugar tax, has been criticized for increasing prices for consumers,
increasing companies’ administrative costs and putting Danish jobs at risk. At
the same time it is believed that the fat tax has, to a lesser extent,
contributed to Danes traveling across the border to make purchases.”
Economists doubt that
the moderate tax increases imposed in Denmark or proposed for Mexico will
suffice to alter behavior. Adjusting for inflation, soda prices have declined
by nearly 40% in the last three decades, and soda consumption was already
disturbingly high in 1980.
To counteract such a
price drop would require very large tax increases. But high soda taxes would
likely encourage smuggling, tax evasion and other efforts to game the system.
It might work better
to pay people to eat better, rather than tax them for making unhealthy choices.
Britain’s Daily
Telegraph reported in 2012 on a study at Northwestern University in which
participants were offered cash if they ate more fruits and vegetables and
exercised more.
Researchers were
surprised to see that the participants kept up their new good habits even after
the payments stopped, according the study’s lead author, Bonnie Spring.
“We thought they’d do
it while we were paying them, but the minute we stopped they’d go back to their
bad habits. But they continued to maintain a large improvement in their health
behaviors.”
The Mexican fat-tax
experiment isn’t bolstered by payouts of pesos. But it’s probably still worth a
try, and for three reasons:
First, the Danish
failure is not dispositive. Denmark is a small place with a lively tradition of
cross-border shopping. From Copenhagen, it is an easy 35-minute drive to Malmo,
Sweden’s third-largest city. Southern Denmark conveniently adjoins shopping in
northern Germany. Mexico’s population is concentrated in and around the capital
city, far from any border.
Second, while
incentives may work better than penalties in controlled experiments, it seems
administratively unfeasible to operate such schemes on any large scale. It’s
one thing to weigh and pay 204 people, a very different thing to weigh and pay
millions of them.
Finally Mexico’s
obesity problem is much worse than Denmark’s — and trending fast in the wrong
direction. Even marginal improvements are worth pursuing there. In particular,
simply reducing Mexican soda consumption could yield substantial benefits. When
things are bad enough, policymakers have more reason to say: “What the heck,
it’s worth a try.”
There’s one last thing
that needs to be said about Mexico’s emerging experiment with fat taxes. When
Americans talk about immigration from Mexico, there exists a tendency to speak
of Mexico as a nation of desperate poverty, a kind of Somalia on the Caribbean,
from which people naturally wish to flee by any means possible.
In fact, by any global
standard, Mexico is a reasonably successful country. Mexico is not especially
poor: Gross domestic product per capita is well above the global median. Within
the Americas, Mexico is poorer than Chile and Argentina, but richer than Brazil
and oil-producing Venezuela. Mexico’s election system is fairer, more impartial
and more reliable than that of the United States. Mexico is a country of free
speech and free exercise of religion. It scores poorly on international
rankings of social mobility. But so does the United States, and the indications
are that Mexicans who migrate to the United States face particularly poor
opportunities here.
There is one respect,
however, in which Mexico has historically done poorly: providing enough work
for all its people. Mexico’s economy is slowed by a wasteful and expensive
public sector and by rules biased toward monopoly and oligopoly in the private
sector. Mexican elites have historically preferred to address their employment
problems by encouraging the discontented to migrate northward.
Almost one in 10 of
people born in Mexico now live in the United States, mostly illegally. This
migration has helped Mexico avoid reckoning with its domestic problems, by the
simple device of transferring the people disadvantaged by those problems to
another jurisdiction.
Very understandably,
Mexicans want jobs and higher wages. Aware that powerful interest groups in the
United States have paralyzed the enforcement of immigration laws, many
ambitious Mexicans have ignored U.S. law to seek those jobs and higher wages
north of the border. That migration has had real costs for Americans, however.
And when it is suggested that those who migrated illegally be pressed to return
home, immigration advocates respond with horror: How can any decent person
propose such a thing? Return these destitute people home to starve?
But as the Mexican
Senate acknowledges, Mexicans are not fleeing starvation. Just the opposite.
Americans should pay Mexico the respect of acknowledging its success and
advances — and expect in return that Mexican authorities will respect American
law and cooperate in its enforcement.
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