Pope
Francis’ relationship to a movement that divided Latin America/Kevin F. Burke, S.J., a Jesuit priest and theologian, is professor of systematic theology and director of doctoral studies at Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University in Berkeley, California. He is author/editor of seven books, four of which deal directly with liberation theology, including The Ground beneath the Cross and A Grammar of Justice.
Reuters
| 24/09/15
As
Pope Francis visits the United States, liberation theology is again in the
public debate — and for good reason. Commentators have noted — some with
elation, others with alarm — that the pope’s essential message bears striking
resemblances to this interpretation of Christian faith that emerged in Latin
America during the 1970s and 1980s.
Its
reappearance may be challenging for many in the United States, for liberation
theology was often linked to the various revolutionary movements then fighting
against U.S.-supported governments throughout Central America. At the same
time, the Catholic hierarchy under Pope John Paul II, a strong anticommunist,
issued stern notifications to church members who cited liberation theology as a
justification for social reform because of its perceived ties to Marxism and
violent revolution.
Indeed,
liberation theology emerged at a time when nearly all Latin America was
dominated by right-wing oligarchies and repressive military dictatorships.
Moreover, many Latin American bishops and other church leaders in that era had
close ties with the oligarchies, ties that proponents of liberation theology
were quick to expose and challenge.
As
a social movement inspired by Christian faith, however, liberation theology
does not seek to foment violence. Rather, it aims to uproot the most pernicious
forms of violence, which includes institutionalized poverty, corruption and
repression, and to recover the original meaning of “church” as “followers of
Jesus dedicated to the reign of God.”
The
phrase “liberation theology” has a double meaning. It is used to describe a
broad social movement based on grass-roots church organizations that seek to
better the life of the poor. It also refers to a different way of thinking
about Christian faith — “theology” — that gives special emphasis to the
experience of the poor. The difference this makes is dramatic.
Like
other, more traditional theologies, liberation theology reflects on the
Christian promise of salvation. But it removes any misunderstanding that
salvation occurs behind our backs or only after we die. The call of Jesus to
deliver all people from slavery and suffering begins now — in this life.
“Liberation” is another word for that deliverance.
All
Christian theologies promote almsgiving and charity to poor people and those in
need. But liberation theology goes further. It asks: Why are these people poor
in the first place? It seeks to understand poverty and to change the social and
political systems that cause it. It also seeks to learn from poor people. It
wants those in need to have a voice in their own deliverance. It is a theology
of empowerment.
One
sees clear resonances of this view in the preaching of Martin Luther King Jr.
and the prophetic genius of Mahatma Gandhi. You can find echoes of it as well
in movements like Black Lives Matter and in efforts to combat human
trafficking. Liberation theology embraces the concerns of all who suffer
violence and, as Pope Francis insists, this includes the Earth herself.
As
an interpretation of Christian faith that takes seriously the suffering of all
God’s creation, liberation theology counters attempts to use the Gospel to justify
anything from racism to homophobia, from unbridled capitalism to wanton
exploitation of the Earth. It also criticizes abstract religious piety that
ignores the desperate pleas of refugees, rationalizes the wounds inflicted by
global poverty or turns a blind eye to those rejected as “losers.”
The
scandal of oppressive poverty and widespread misery is not the product of
“nature,” according to liberation theology, much less God’s will. It is the
product of human choices and human sinfulness, especially as these appear in
the social, cultural, political and economic structures that shape the way we
live in the world. Precisely for this reason — and in concert with both Pope
John Paul II as well as Pope Francis — liberation theology makes a preferential
option for the poor. It takes to heart the words of Jesus: “Blessed are you who
are poor, for the kingdom of God is yours … but woe to you who are rich, for
you have received your consolation.”
Creating
a real option for the poor changes where we stand, who we meet and how we act.
It transforms both the interpretation and practice of Christian faith.
Here,
then, is the real connection between Pope Francis and liberation theology.
Francis did not take courses in liberation theology, but he learned to read the
harsh reality of Argentina under the junta and, ultimately, of the world. He is
not an academic theologian, but a pastor whose heart is moved with pity for his
people, who are “like sheep without a shepherd.” He is not an ideologue, but
his love for the poor unnerves those who are. This is one reason why the pope
has proved a puzzle for so many who seek to classify him.
From
the beginning of his tenure, many sensed “something different” about Pope
Francis. He appeared before the pilgrims at St. Peter’s in Rome to humbly
request their prayers before bestowing the traditional papal blessing. He
ritually washed the feet of juvenile prison inmates, young men and women,
Christian and Muslim. He unself-consciously embraced a profoundly disabled
child and kissed a man suffering from severe facial disfigurement. He traveled
to the tragedy-riven island of Lampedusa, celebrated mass on an altar crafted
from the hull of a refugee boat and called for a “poor church for the poor”
that resists “the globalization of indifference.”
Francis’
symbolic gestures and pronouncements have pointed to a shift in the Catholic
imagination regarding sacrament and authority, mission and church, faith and
holiness. Even what it means to live a Christian life. Above all, Francis has
labored mightily to lift the poor and the wretched into visibility.
If
we have learned one thing about Pope Francis in his first 30 months as the
leader of the worldwide Catholic Church, it is this: He enacts symbolic
gestures with the grace of a poet and the power of a dramatic genius.
So
it is with liberation theology. Where his predecessors feared and warned of the
dangers of this movement, Francis gladly met with the man known as its founder,
Father Gustavo Gutiérrez. Francis’s recent predecessors had subtly blocked
efforts to canonize as a saint Oscar Romero, the Salvadoran archbishop
associated with liberation theology who was martyred while celebrating mass in
1980. Pope Francis quickly removed the barriers to the canonization process.
Romero was beautified at a mass in San Salvador on May 23, attended by more
than 250,000 people.
These
actions have stirred up right-wing pundits, both in the political and the
ecclesial spheres, who mock liberation theology as “Marxism with salsa.” They
dismiss it as discredited and dead in one moment, and in the next feverishly
whisper, “Frances just might be a liberation theologian. Look, he went to Cuba
before the United States.”
Though
it is a mistake to uncritically equate Francis’s vision of the Catholic Church
with liberation theology, he and liberation theologians like Gutiérrez clearly
share one key point: At the center of their lives is an indestructible love for
Christ poor. And that love changes everything.
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